In this 40-minute long interview, Malcolm X with Herman Blake discusses being a Black Muslim, the conditions of Black people in this the United States, their relation with white people, and states the case for Black separatism. Summarizing his objections to the nonviolent movement, Malcolm X states:

"As muslims, we believe that separation is the best way, and the only sensible way, not integration. On the other hand, when we see our people being brutalized by white bigots, white racists, we think they are foolish to allow themselves to be beaten and brutalized and do nothing whatsoever to protect themselves. They are foolish. They should have the right to defend themselves against any attack made against them by anyone. If a dog is biting a Black man, the Black man should kill the dog, whether the dog is a police dog, a hound dog, or any kind of dog. If a dog is sick on a Black man, when that Black man is doing nothing but trying to take advantage of what the government says is supposed to be his, then that Black man should kill that dog or any two-legged dog who sicks the dog on him.” 

In response to the interviewer's (Herman Blake) follow-up question "Should other Black men help the man who was attacked?”, Malcolm X stated: 

“I think you’ll find, sir, that there will come a time when black people wake up and become intellectually independent enough to think for themselves, as other humans are intellectually independent enough to think for themselves, then the black man will think like a black man and he will feel for other black people. And this new thinking and feeling will cause black people to stick together. Then at that point, you’ll have a situation where when you attack one black man, you are attacking all black men. And this type of black thinking will cause all black people to stick together. And this type of thinking also bring an end to the brutality inflicted upon black people by white people and it is the only thing that will bring an end to it. No federal court, state court, or city court will bring an end to it; it’s something the black man has to bring and end to himself.”

This excerpt begins with City College of New York professor of psychology Dr. Kenneth Clark asking Dr. King to respond to Malcolm X's criticisms of the nonviolent movement.

Dr. Clark: "Malcolm X…has said of your movement and your philosophy that it plays into the hands of the white oppressors, that they are happy to talk about love for the oppressor because this disarms the negro and fits into the stereotype of the negro as a meek, turning the other cheek, sort of creature. Do you care to comment on Mr. X’s beliefs?"

Dr. King: "Well, I don’t think of love as, in this context, as emotional bosh. I don’t think of it as a weak force. But, I think of love as something strong and that organizes itself into powerful direct action. This is what I’ve tried to teach in the struggle in the south--that we are not engaged in a struggle that means we sit down and do nothing. There’s a great deal of difference between nonresistance to evil and nonviolent resistance. Nonresistance leaves you in a state of stagnant passivity and deadened complacency, whereas nonviolent resistances means that you do resist in a very strong and determined manner. And I think some of the criticisms of nonviolence of some of the critics fail to realize that we are talking about something very strong, and they confuse nonresistance with nonviolent resistance.”

Dr. Clark: "He goes beyond that in some of the things I’ve heard him say. He’ll tell you that this is deliberately your philosophy of love of the oppressor, which he identifies completely with the nonviolent movement. He says this philosophy and this movement are actually encouraged by whites because it makes them comfortable, it makes them believe that negroes are meek, supine creatures."

Dr. King: "Well, I don’t think that's true. If anyone has ever lived with a nonviolent movement in the south, from Montgomery on through the Freedom Rides, and through the sit-in movement, and the recent Birmingham movement and see the reactions of many of the extremists and reactionaries in the white community, he wouldn’t say that this movement, that this philosophy makes them comfortable. I think it arouses a sense of shame within them often in many instances. I think it does something to touch their conscience and establish a sense of guilt. Now so often people respond to guilt by engaging more in guilt-evoking acting in an attempt to drown the sense of guilt, but this approach certainly doesn’t make the white man feel comfortable. I think it does the other thing—it disturbs this conscience and it disturbs this sense of contentment that he’s had."

Co-founder of the Black Panther Party Bobby Seale talks to interviewers in 1970 about the Party programs and principles.

Seale: “...now I think that there’s a lot of more progress that has to be done, but I think what has to be understood is that the peace that many of them say they want—they have to begin to understand that you have to fight for it. But you say ‘Whoa! You mean aggression.’ No, I don’t mean aggression—on the contrary. I'm saying that to believe in the Party’s principles is this here: is that we prefer non-antagonistic contradictions. You know, to put up a community control of police program where registered voters sign a petition to change the police department when the people in the community have control is very practical. See what I mean? Well, that’s a peaceful program. What makes it antagonistic though? It’s the police who come down and attack us for initiating such a program that the people would attend and unite around and taking away their real power and their real power is really organized guns and force. See what I’m talking about? And the militias and the police department and what have you--to force people to accept what? The old exploited system? To accept their oppression that the exploited system, that the power structure perpetuates upon their heads? […] The free health clinics, the community control of police, to elect political officials that we want, a workers unity for full employment, to [unintelligible] athletes program peacefully, you see what I mean? That interplays with constitutional rights. You can see the power structure in that—they jumping and snubbing on every constitutional right in the country…”

Seale: “...Black people understand is that we don’t call a cat ‘brother’ just because they’re oppressed together. So we define brotherhood on the basis of oppression. So even the young patriots who take time to work an alliance with me—he’s my brother in oppression. See what I mean? […] Yeah, this is the poor white cats who put an alliance with the Party in opposition to the power structure--and it’s racism. You see what I mean? Because they understand that they suffer from racism too. See, they were brainwashed with racist notions and should be more progressive and align themselves with black people and other poor oppressed peoples to solve their very poverty and oppression…that they’re subjected to…We don’t go into abstract operations of saying 'we want 10 states and all you white people get out.’ Well, that’s really more chauvinism. See what I mean? What we say is this here: 'you poor white people you guys are just as oppressed as us’—‘Oh, I don’t wanna hear that shit--I’ll shoot you.’ If you shoot me, I’ll shoot back. I'ma defend myself. But, if you wanna work together—and we can work together to solve these problems—now it’ll take just as long to really integrate."

This video presents a panel discussion of women who are members of the Black Panther Party in which they relate their personal struggles and experiences as "Panther women" engaged in civil rights activism. This event was organized by the Graduate Assembly, University of California, Berkeley and took place on October 26, 1990 at Booth Auditorium, Boalt Hall, University of California, Berkeley.

Reporters from the national and international news media talk with co-founder of the Black Panther Party, Huey P. Newton, about his personal and political philosophy. Also interviewed is the Black Panther Party attorney Charles R. Garry, Newton's sister and Newton's fiance, unnamed for their personal safety. Recorded March 7, 1968 in a detention cell at the Alameda County Courthouse. The program was produced and narrated by Colin Edwards.

Newton opens the interview by explaining the change in name from the "Black Panther Party for Self-Defense" to simply the "Black Panther Party." Through this explanation he reiterates some of the principles expressed by Bobby Seale in the above interview:

“We ran into the problem of people misinterpreting us as a political party. They used the word for “self defense”—they defined us in as a group--that we’re a paramilitary group or bodyguards or something of this nature. But, we found that it was very difficult—even in our program we described or defined ourselves as a political party, but yet people seemed to misinterpret the definition of what self-defense is all about. We realized that when we’re assaulted in the community by the gestapo tactics of the police this is also a political thing. We’re assaulted because we’re Black people and because the power structure finds it to their advantage to keep us imprisoned in our Black community as colonial people are kept by some foreign power. So the police is only an arm of the white power structure, used very similar as their military force, which it is a military force. There’re local police, and you have the National Guard as the national police, and then you have the regular military and the international police. And these police are used to occupy our community just as a foreign troop occupies territory. They don’t live in our community--the police don’t--and they have no respect for Black people who live in the community. Yet, they occupy the community. And they’re not occupying the community for the welfare and the benefit of the people who live there; they’re occupying it to make sure that the businessmen who are systematically robbed in our community are safe. So this was one part of our political stance and to make the party basically for the intellectuals because the grassroots of the community—the people we’re most concerned with, because the lower-class Black, who represent about 95% of the Black population throughout this nation, they understood very well what we stood for. But to make it clear to everyone we changed the name to the Black Panther Party to make it clear what our political stance was about."